Cultural Marxism Masquerading as True History, by Wanjiru Njoya

"They are not interested in a balanced weighing of the evidence of history. For them history is an abstraction and a weapon of power over others." - Dr. Clyde Wilson, from the article

Cultural Marxism Masquerading as True History
by Dr. Wanjiru Njoya

[Publisher's Note, by Gene Kizer, Jr. - Here is another outstanding article by Dr. Wanjiru Njoya.

I have long argued that Southerners are in a political fight and not a history debate. The historical facts are 100% on the South's side with respect to the Right of Secession, the cause of the War Between the States (the South's refusal to be ruled over by the North's larger population, particularly economically), etc.

The use of history as a political weapon has been proven by such esteemed historians as Eugene D. Genovese (Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made, et al.) who called the falsification of Southern history by academia and the media "a cultural and political atrocity."

It is exactly the same as the woke liberal use of the charge of "racism" to beat their enemies to death, yet the woke left is the most racist political movement in history. It's essence is calling people racist who are not the least bit racist such as Joe Biden did when he said the worst problem facing America when he was president was white supremacy.

The fraud news media that fewer than 20% of the public trusts has screamed about racism for so long people are petrified that somebody might call them a racist, but fortunately, nobody gives a damn about the news media today except to despise them. Everybody knows that most people who throw out the charge of racism against others are racist themselves or liars.

The party that is race obsessed are true racists. The party calling for merit, common sense and equal opportunity for all is what America is all about.

Dr. Njoya has hit the nail on the head with her article. It was published on the Abbeville Institute Blog March 23, 2026. It was originally published at Mises.org.]

Cultural Marxism Masquerading as True History

by Dr. Wanjiru Njoya

EVER SINCE PEOPLE began warning about the threat from Cultural Marxism, the Marxists’ main line of defense has been to deny everything. They claim that their critics are hallucinating and fighting with shadows.

The Marxists in control of universities insist that academic freedom is alive and well. No one has been excluded from the academy for being a conservative. No teachers are indoctrinating their students—they merely teach them true history.

In that light, it is perhaps understandable that the Trump administration framed their attack on Cultural Marxism as a concern with “true history.” The Executive Order (EO) titled “Restoring Truth and Sanity to American History” depicted the dismantling of Western civilization as a revisionist history project.

The weakness of this strategy is obvious. There is nothing wrong with revising history, per se. History is not writ in stone. Historians regularly question the dominant interpretations, revising them where necessary.

The problem is not that universities are revising history, but that they are indoctrinating students in the poisonous tenets of Cultural Marxism. The problem identified by the EO is not merely historical revisionism, much as the Trump administration was at pains to depict it as such. As the EO explained,

…the prior [Biden] administration sponsored training by an organization that advocates dismantling “Western foundations” and “interrogating institutional racism” and pressured National Historical Park rangers that their racial identity should dictate how they convey history to visiting Americans because America is purportedly racist.

…the Smithsonian Institution has, in recent years, come under the influence of a divisive, race-centered ideology. This shift has promoted narratives that portray American and Western values as inherently harmful and oppressive.

…The National Museum of African American History and Culture has proclaimed that “hard work,” “individualism,” and “the nuclear family” are aspects of “White culture.” The forthcoming Smithsonian American Women’s History Museum plans on celebrating the exploits of male athletes participating in women’s sports. These are just a few examples.

Denouncing white Americans as racists is not “revisionist history.” It is an ideologically-driven attack masquerading as history. Defending your country is not a history project. It is intrinsic to the right to self-defense. There is no duty to sit and watch as your communities are destroyed under the guise of accurate history. It would have been more accurate to call the EO “Rejecting Cultural Marxism.”

Cultural Marxism is a poisonous and destructive ideology. Antony Mueller explains,

Another name for the neo-Marxism of increasing popularity in the United States is “cultural Marxism.”… Marxist theory flourishes today in cultural institutions, in the academic world, and in the mass media.

Given the terrible reputation of Marxism, the only people who stand to gain by depicting Cultural Marxism as “historical revisionism” are the Marxists. They know that their idol, Karl Marx, is a purveyor of death and destruction. They would sure love to give him a makeover as a mere history revisionist. David Gordon explains:

Marx is often portrayed as motivated by love of the working class, if not all of humanity. Actually, starting from the time he was a university student, he displayed contempt and hatred for the masses he deemed beneath him. As McMeekin writes, “Rather than appreciating the good fortune that allowed him to live this agreeable life of leisure [made possible by an allowance from his father], Marx wrote poetry that was angry and misanthropic. In Savage Saga, published in January 1841, a twenty-two-year-old Marx lambasted that humans were tired, empty, frightened, the ‘apes of a cold God,’ a God who warned his apes, ‘I shall hurl gigantic curses at mankind.’” In this connection, McMeekin might also have mentioned Reverend Richard Wurmbrand’s Marx and Satan (Crossway, 1986). Marx’s adoption of a Luciferian persona was, in fact, a frequent motif in nineteenth-century Romanticism, analyzed in the famous book of Marion Praz, The Romantic Agony (Oxford, 1930).

Marxists would prefer to shift the focus onto slavery debates. Forget Marx being a Luciferian, how about we discuss the fact that George Washington and William Penn owned slaves? No other history of slavery interests them—only the part that can be mined to dismantle Western civilization.

Depicting Cultural Marxism as a “history debate” is, therefore, a public relations coup for the Marxists. They insist that their schemes are not ideological. They claim that the slavery exhibits targeted by the EO are merely “information signs,” giving “educational materials on the history of slavery.”

If this was indeed a debate about history—as the EO unwisely concedes—then the activists would be right to insist that we must not expect politicians to settle historical debates by executive decree. We certainly should not erase historical exhibits just because politicians do not like a particular historical interpretation.

“Debate history, don’t erase it!” cry the woke historians when their Marxist exhibits are dismantled. But their true motives are exposed by their stated desire to “avenge their ancestors” for the evils of slavery.

The Avenging The Ancestors Coalition, an organization of African American historians, activists and more, was among the leaders of the effort to get the slavery exhibit signage restored.

They claim that the EO is an attempt by the Trump administration to “rewrite and whitewash history.” On that basis, they secured court orders that the plaques must be restored. The jubilant Philadelphia Mayor said, “Today we celebrate the return of our history at this important site.” One activist was overcome with emotion to see the return of her “history.”

“Well, it’s important. It’s important,” Cardillino said. “It happened. It happened, and it’s part of our history. You can’t deny it. This is not just about 6th and Market. It’s not just about Philadelphia. It’s not just about Pennsylvania. This was the right thing to do for our country.”

These are, of course, the very same activists who destroyed numerous historic monuments across the South. They shocked the world by destroying Monument Avenue in Richmond, Virginia. They splashed pink paint on the memorial of Jefferson Davis, tied a noose around his neck, and tore it down. They took an axe to the statue of Stonewall Jackson and transformed it into what the New York Times admiringly described as “a kind of melted mutant grotesque.” The artist herself described her grotesque art as “a sort of haint.”

They rampaged through cemeteries tearing down tombstones. The statue of Robert E. Lee that stood in Charlottesville, Virginia, was hurled into a furnace.

“Today the statue comes down and we are one small step closer to a more perfect union,” said then-mayor Nikuyah Walker.

…They use a torch to score the head of the statue, in the pattern of a death mask. Lee’s face falls to floor with a loud clank.

The assertion by neo-Marxists that they are only interested in historical accuracy is falsified by their own destructionism. The historian Clyde Wilson is, therefore, right to warn that this is not a debate about history—“we are not in an argument over the interpretation of the past.” Wilson observes,

They are not interested in a balanced weighing of the evidence of history. For them history is an abstraction and a weapon of power over others.

The attacks on the South, in particular, are the opposite of preserving history. Their goal is, as Wilson observed, that, “Columbia, South Carolina, must become indistinguishable from Columbus, Ohio, which is only a small and early step on the road to the New World Order.” The Cultural Marxists hope that where “workers of the world unite” failed, the slogan that we are all citizens of One World may succeed.

But wait, say the Marxists. There you go again, fighting with shadows. Isn’t the New World Order just a conspiracy theory? The purveyors of Cultural Marxism know that mockery is a powerful political weapon, so they mock their critics as conspiracy theorists—but they are the first to protest against their own woke schemes being mocked. “Stop mocking us!” they cry.

The problem is the tone of hostility, of mocking.… It’d be one thing if it were incisive criticism. Bring it on. But the mocking, vicious hostility, it really bothers me.

They are bothered when they get mocked, yet they mock conservatives for being afraid of a non-existent “secretive globalist authority.” There is surely no secretive globalist authority, as the goals of the Neo-Marxists are far from secretive. They are openly published. Writing in 2018, Brian Balfour pointed out that,

Take, for instance, the 1985 book Hegemony and Socialist Strategy, written by socialist theorists Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Indeed, the ideas that inspired the book were captured in an article by Laclau and Mouffe published with the more telling title “Socialist Strategy, Where Next?” in the January 1981, issue of Marxism Today.

They deny that the identity politics movement and their “critical theories”—which they insist do not even exist—have anything to do with Marxism. “Do you even know what Marxism is?” they mock. Yet their Marxist roots are clear:

Marx and Marxism comes [sic] up often in the writings that formed the movement. Gramsci, meanwhile, is quoted approvingly by several authors in the 1995 anthology of essays that serves as the bible of CRT, Critical Race Theory: The Key Writings that Formed the Movement [1995]—which CRT adherents, in another reference to Mao, refer to as the “Big Red Book.” And, lest anyone forget, Frankfurt’s Institute for Social Research, which originated from the German antecedent of CRT, critical theory, was founded by members of different communist parties in 1922 to help to promote Marxism in the West.

Wilson is, therefore, justified in warning that “the relentless barrage of lies against our heritage is more than a series of petty skirmishes about historical interpretation.” They purport to be interested in reinterpreting history while they are driven by vengeance and destructionism.

As Wilson puts it, these are “not folks we can win over by presenting historical evidence.” The truth is that “we are not in a fight over historical interpretation; we are in a war against our culture.”

The views expressed at AbbevilleInstitute.org are not necessarily those of the Abbeville Institute.


Wanjiru Njoya

Dr. Wanjiru Njoya is the Walter E. Williams Research Fellow at the Mises Institute. She is the author of Economic Freedom and Social Justice (Palgrave Macmillan, 2021), Redressing Historical Injustice (Palgrave Macmillan, 2023, with David Gordon) and “A Critique of Equality Legislation in Liberal Market Economies” (Journal of Libertarian Studies, 2021).

RESTORING TRUTH AND SANITY TO AMERICAN HISTORY, Executive Order by President Donald J. Trump March 27, 2025

[Publisher's Note, by Gene Kizer, Jr. - I am proud to post this good common sense Executive Order by President Trump, which focuses mostly on the left's historical fraud of the past decade.

Their fraud actually started in the 1960s with the politicization of American history by academia and the news media, both of whom today have an approval rating of less than 20%. Both are distrusted by most Americans and they should be.

Racist academia gave us Critical Race Theory, DEI, etc., while leftist theory in lower grades has given us large numbers of children who can not do math or read at grade level.

Think about how these idiotic "educators" have downplayed or done away with phonics over the years. Their approach is more child abuse than rigorous, stimulating education.

Fortunately, classical liberal arts are coming back strong and will give children a solid foundation to pursue anything they want in our magnificent country such as artificial intelligence, SPACE, the competitiveness of business, film, it's all at their/our fingertips, now that liberal indoctrination has been exposed and discredited.

This is a golden age for research and entrepreneurship. For all those who have vision, work hard and are determined to succeed, opportunities are unlimited in America!]

Presidential Actions

RESTORING TRUTH AND SANITY TO AMERICAN HISTORY

Executive Orders

March 27, 2025

By the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, it is hereby ordered:

Section 1.  Purpose and Policy.  Over the past decade, Americans have witnessed a concerted and widespread effort to rewrite our Nation’s history, replacing objective facts with a distorted narrative driven by ideology rather than truth.  This revisionist movement seeks to undermine the remarkable achievements of the United States by casting its founding principles and historical milestones in a negative light.  Under this historical revision, our Nation’s unparalleled legacy of advancing liberty, individual rights, and human happiness is reconstructed as inherently racist, sexist, oppressive, or otherwise irredeemably flawed.  Rather than fostering unity and a deeper understanding of our shared past, the widespread effort to rewrite history deepens societal divides and fosters a sense of national shame, disregarding the progress America has made and the ideals that continue to inspire millions around the globe.

The prior administration advanced this corrosive ideology.  At Independence National Historical Park in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania — where our Nation declared that all men are created equal — the prior administration sponsored training by an organization that advocates dismantling “Western foundations” and “interrogating institutional racism” and pressured National Historical Park rangers that their racial identity should dictate how they convey history to visiting Americans because America is purportedly racist.

Once widely respected as a symbol of American excellence and a global icon of cultural achievement, the Smithsonian Institution has, in recent years, come under the influence of a divisive, race-centered ideology.  This shift has promoted narratives that portray American and Western values as inherently harmful and oppressive.  For example, the Smithsonian American Art Museum today features “The Shape of Power:  Stories of Race and American Sculpture,” an exhibit representing that “[s]ocieties including the United States have used race to establish and maintain systems of power, privilege, and disenfranchisement.”  The exhibit further claims that “sculpture has been a powerful tool in promoting scientific racism” and promotes the view that race is not a biological reality but a social construct, stating “Race is a human invention.”

The National Museum of African American History and Culture has proclaimed that “hard work,” “individualism,” and “the nuclear family” are aspects of “White culture.”  The forthcoming Smithsonian American Women’s History Museum plans on celebrating the exploits of male athletes participating in women’s sports.  These are just a few examples.

It is the policy of my Administration to restore Federal sites dedicated to history, including parks and museums, to solemn and uplifting public monuments that remind Americans of our extraordinary heritage, consistent progress toward becoming a more perfect Union, and unmatched record of advancing liberty, prosperity, and human flourishing.  Museums in our Nation’s capital should be places where individuals go to learn — not to be subjected to ideological indoctrination or divisive narratives that distort our shared history.

To advance this policy, we will restore the Smithsonian Institution to its rightful place as a symbol of inspiration and American greatness –- igniting the imagination of young minds, honoring the richness of American history and innovation, and instilling pride in the hearts of all Americans.

Sec2.  Saving Our Smithsonian.  (a)  The Vice President, in consultation with the Assistant to the President for Domestic Policy and the Special Assistant to the President and Senior Associate Staff Secretary, Lindsey Halligan, Esq., shall work to effectuate the policies of this order through his role on the Smithsonian Board of Regents with respect to the Smithsonian Institution and its museums, education and research centers, and the National Zoo, including by seeking to remove improper ideology from such properties, and shall recommend to the President any additional actions necessary to fully effectuate such policies.

(b)  The Vice President and the Director of the Office of Management and Budget shall work with the Congress to ensure that future appropriations to the Smithsonian Institution:

(i)   prohibit expenditure on exhibits or programs that degrade shared American values, divide Americans based on race, or promote programs or ideologies inconsistent with Federal law and policy; and

(ii)  celebrate the achievements of women in the American Women’s History Museum and do not recognize men as women in any respect in the Museum.

(c)  The Director of the Office of Management and Budget and the Secretary of the Interior shall take any other measures within their authority to promote the policy of this order.

(d)  As appropriate, the Vice President shall, in consultation with the Assistant to the President for Domestic Policy and Special Assistant to the President and Senior Associate Staff Secretary, Lindsey Halligan, Esq., work with the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the Senate Majority Leader, to seek the appointment of citizen members to the Smithsonian Board of Regents committed to advancing the policy of this order.

Sec3.  Restoring Independence Hall.  The Secretary of the Interior shall provide sufficient funding, as available, to improve the infrastructure of Independence National Historical Park, which shall be complete by July 4, 2026, the 250th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence.

Sec4.  Restoring Truth in American History.

(a)  The Secretary of the Interior shall:

(i)    determine whether, since January 1, 2020, public monuments, memorials, statues, markers, or similar properties within the Department of the Interior’s jurisdiction have been removed or changed to perpetuate a false reconstruction of American history, inappropriately minimize the value of certain historical events or figures, or include any other improper partisan ideology;

(ii)   take action to reinstate the pre-existing monuments, memorials, statues, markers, or similar properties, as appropriate and consistent with 43 U.S.C. 1451 et seq., 54 U.S.C. 100101 et seq.,and other applicable law; and

(iii)  take action, as appropriate and consistent with applicable law, to ensure that all public monuments, memorials, statues, markers, or similar properties within the Department of the Interior’s jurisdiction do not contain descriptions, depictions, or other content that inappropriately disparage Americans past or living (including persons living in colonial times), and instead focus on the greatness of the achievements and progress of the American people or, with respect to natural features, the beauty, abundance, and grandeur of the American landscape.

Sec5.  General Provisions.  (a)  Nothing in this order shall be construed to impair or otherwise affect:

(i)   the authority granted by law to an executive department or agency, or the head thereof; or

(ii)  the functions of the Director of the Office of Management and Budget relating to budgetary, administrative, or legislative proposals.

(b)  This order shall be implemented consistent with applicable law and subject to the availability of appropriations.

(c)  This order is not intended to, and does not, create any right or benefit, substantive or procedural, enforceable at law or in equity by any party against the United States, its departments, agencies, or entities, its officers, employees, or agents, or any other person.

DONALD J. TRUMP

THE WHITE HOUSE,

March 27, 2025.

Why Forrest Encouraged an End to Racial Conflict, by Dr. Wanjiru Njoya

Why Forrest Encouraged an End to Racial Conflict
by Dr. Wanjiru Njoya

[Publisher's Note, by Gene Kizer, Jr. - Dr. Njoya came to my attention two years ago. You know immediately upon reading any of her work that she is a first rate scholar with a deep understanding of Southern history. She is the Walter E. Williams Research Fellow at the Mises Institute and author of several books.

A black fraternal organization, The Independent Order of Pole-Bearers, had invited Forrest and other "Confederate generals and Southern Democrats" to their annual Fourth of July celebration in Memphis, Tennessee in 1875. Forrest was apparently the guest of honor. His speech is an indication of the good will that existed among many, perhaps most, blacks and whites across the South during Reconstruction.

This Pole-Bearers event is also discussed in detail in Michael Bradley's upcoming book, Nathan Bedford Forrest, Wizard of the Saddle, Not Wizard of the Klan: Correcting an Egregious Error of History. It will be out by the summer, published by Charleston Athenaeum Press.

Dr. Njoya's fascinating article was published on the Abbeville Institute Blog January 27, 2026.]

Why Forrest Encouraged an End to Racial Conflict

By Wanjiru Njoya

THERE IS NO BETTER PLACE to begin understanding the party politics of the post-reconstruction South than with the Fourth of July celebrations organized by the Independent Order of Pole-Bearers in Memphis, Tennessee, 1875. The Pole-Bearers were a “fraternal society,” or mutual aid society, for the welfare and defense of black people. In attendance at this event were various former Confederate generals and Southern Democrats, who had been invited by the black leaders for purposes of celebration, reconciliation and, indirectly, to try and persuade their members that they would be better off voting for the Democratic party and not the Republican party. The black leaders expressed a wish to “reconcile” with white Southerners as they felt betrayed by their experience of the previous ten years with the Radical Republicans, whom they accused of treating black people as mere tools for their political games.

Nathan Bedford Forrest seems to have been essentially the guest of honor at this event. He was certainly the star of the show. He was presented with a bouquet of flowers by the black ladies, which strikes modern readers – who know nothing of Forrest’s popularity – as astonishing. Forrest delivered a brief but now well-known speech in which he encouraged an end to racial conflict. The event was covered at the time by the Memphis Daily Appeal and another local newspaper.

This event is revisited annually in debates surrounding Nathan Bedford Forrest Day in Tennessee. Those who wish to denigrate Forrest’s legacy insist on describing him as a KKK leader, their implication being that he was hostile to black people. Defenders of Forrest, on the other hand, attempt to portray him as some sort of civil rights activist. The notion of Forrest being a social justice warrior is not quite accurate, and results from reasoning in the reverse – as we are now accustomed to viewing race issues as “civil rights” issues, the assumption is that any white person showing friendship to black people in 1875 should be understood as a civil rights activist. In fact, Forrest’s opinions on this matter had little to do with civil rights and more to do with the commonsense need for the races to live in harmony rather than in perpetual conflict and violence. Forrest understood, far better than the race hustlers who now parade themselves as civil rights activists, the need to bring racial conflict to an end and work together towards peace. It was a theme echoed elsewhere by another former Confederate General who is also, like Forrest, rumored to have been in the KKK, John B. Gordon. Gordon once expressed, to a Congressional committee, his opinion that

“I am willing to swear until I am gray that the negroes and the white people can live together in Georgia peaceably and happily if they are not interfered with.”

In his Pole-Bearers speech, Forrest wisely avoided getting mired in party politics. Nor did he address the many rumors that swirled around him, other than to say he knew people told lies about him and that he took comfort in knowing that those who stood with him, black and white, knew the truth. In this he followed the prudence of Robert E. Lee, who also refrained from publicly debating the slanderous lies that were told about him. Debating rumors is always unedifying. All that accomplishes is to inject fresh life into the rumor-mill, as expressed in the popular edict, “do not feed the trolls”. One could say this is indeed the Christian way, to “let your light so shine before men”, and those interested in understanding the truth will see your true character.

In his speech, Forrest focused on his commitment to the common interest of all the people of the South:

“I have not said anything about politics today. I don’t propose to say anything about politics. You have a right to elect whom you please; vote for the man you think best, and I think, when that is done, you and I are freemen. Do as you consider right and honest in electing men for office…. I came to meet you as friends, and welcome you to the white people. I want you to come nearer to us. When I can serve you I will do so. We have but one flag, one country; let us stand together. We may differ in color, but not in sentiment…. Go to work, be industrious, live honestly and act truly, and when you are oppressed I’ll come to your relief. I thank you, ladies and gentlemen, for this opportunity you have afforded me to be with you, and to assure you that I am with you in heart and in hand.”

Gideon Pillow, who was also present at this event and spoke after Forrest, did not follow Forrest’s example in diplomacy. He launched into a lengthy speech warning his audience against being beguiled by the political wiles of the Republicans, whom he termed the “enemies of the Southern white people”.

“You were misled at the end of the war by bad men of the Republican party,” Pillow continued. “If you had not put yourself in the hands of the enemies of southern white people, but had placed your confidence in them and had cooperated with them in necessary reforms in the policy of State government, they would have been your allies and would have adopted such forms of legislation as would have greatly advanced your interests.”

Republican party propaganda certainly played a notable role in fueling racial conflict. The historian William Dunning explains:

“From the Union soldiers, from the northern missionaries and school-teachers, and from bureau agents of every grade the freedmen had heard proclaimed for years now, in all the changes from mysterious allusion to intemperate asseveration, the virtues of the Union and Republican party which controlled the North, and the vices and heresies of the Democrats which had brought ruin to the South.”

Pillow’s message was therefore that the black people of the South had made a terrible mistake in trusting the federal government to help them meet the challenges of social and economic progress, when instead they should have trusted to hard work, education, and  – as Pillow saw it – their common interests with the white people of the South. He also reminded them that legal equality had been achieved after the war (by the Civil Rights Act 1866), and that it was up to them to build on this legal equality through hard work, industriousness, and education.

Rather than being treated as an opportunity for reconciliation between North and South, the Reconstruction process had been treated by the Republican carpetbaggers as an opportunity for self-serving race-craft and self-enrichment. Samuel W. Mitcham explains: “To control the South politically, the Carpetbaggers practiced the old political practice of ‘divide and rule.’ They deliberately pitted black Southerners against white Southerners, a tactic which kept them in power for a number of years.” Mitcham adds, “They used their time in office to enrich themselves, loot the defeated Southern states, and poison race relations in the South for decades.” He further explains that:

“the Union League and Northern politicians sowed the seeds of divisiveness between the races, in order to enrich themselves. And enrich themselves they did. Using the power of the government they controlled, they issued bonds which they purchased for as little as one cent on the dollar. The South had to redeem these bonds later at their full face value, yielding a huge profit for the Carpetbagger. The city debt of Vicksburg, for example, grew from $13,000 to $1,400,000 in just five years of Republican rule.”

Also instrumental in fomenting racial conflict were the “Union or Loyal Leagues,”  described by Dunning as “secret and oath-bound organizations, with awe-inspiring rites and ceremonial” whose aim was to see that “new voters were duly trained for their political activity,” ensuring that the freedmen would vote for the Republican Party. This goes a long way in explaining why black people who previously supported the Confederate cause—even remaining in their positions after emancipation—flocked in such great numbers to the Republican party during Reconstruction. Dunning recounts how white Southerners had attempted in vain to find common cause with them: “In some localities systematic attempts were made to persuade the blacks that their best interest lay in harmony with the native [i.e., Southern] whites; but the results were pathetically insignificant.”

Forrest had seen all this unfold in the ten years after the war. He was no civil rights activist. He did not argue, as the social justice warriors do today, that diversity, equity, and inclusiveness must be enforced on the South at the point of the bayonet, nor did he campaign for either segregation or an end to segregation. He was not a “progressive”. He did not believe that it is the job of the government to create racial harmony by dictating people’s thoughts and actions. His message was simple – that the path to prosperity lies through peace, through racial harmony, and not through race-craft, corruption, and violence.

The views expressed at AbbevilleInstitute.org are not necessarily those of the Abbeville Institute.


Wanjiru Njoya

Dr. Wanjiru Njoya is the Walter E. Williams Research Fellow at the Mises Institute. She is the author of Economic Freedom and Social Justice (Palgrave Macmillan, 2021), Redressing Historical Injustice (Palgrave Macmillan, 2023, with David Gordon) and “A Critique of Equality Legislation in Liberal Market Economies” (Journal of Libertarian Studies, 2021).

A Short History of the South, Part 2, by Dr. Clyde N. Wilson

A Short History of the South
Part 2
by Dr. Clyde N. Wilson

[Publisher's Note, by Gene Kizer, Jr. - Dr. Wilson's excellent short history of the South continues. This was published on the Abbeville Institute Blog October 21, 2025, with a note that it was originally published on Reckonin.com.]

WE CAN ONLY PAINT in very broad strokes a period that was marked by a vast expansion of the South and the U.S. in territory, population, economy, and culture. The Era of Expansion is an apt name.

A major aspect of this period is the westward movement. New States admitted to the Union: 1790s: TN and KY; 1810s: LA, MS, and ALA; 1820s: MO; 1830s: AR; 1840s: FL and TX. The South moved west and re-established itself constantly in new lands. In 1860, half the people born in the Carolinas, black and white, were living somewhere further south or west. Southerners played a major role also in the early settlement and government of OH, IN and IL until they were outnumbered in the 1850s by northeastern and German incomers.

So the westward experience, settling a raw land and bringing it into settled Southern civilization was a widespread experience. This is really what the work of the talented “Southwestern humourists,” much of William Gilmore Simms’s work, and other Southern literature of the time is all about. Southerners were pioneering realistic American literature while New Englanders like Longfellow, Bryant, etc. were writing about brooks and rills and sleigh rides to Grandma’s house; or like Emerson, egotistical essays explaining the universe. The Southerner Poe was certainly the first great creative genius of American literature.

This was also a period, at least to the 1850s, when Southerners dominated national politics, the most honourable and uncorrupt period of the U.S. government. Southerners were responsible for the Louisiana Purchase and the Mexican Cession. Southerners thought of the Union in terms of republican virtue. Northerners thought of it as a source of profit. Eight of the first twelve Presidents were Southern plantation owners, and another, Harrison, though elected from the Midwest, was Virginia-born. Most of the prominent statesmen and soldiers and explorers, as well as the leaders and bulk of the rank and file of Jeffersonian and Jacksonian Democracy were Southern.

During the period 1815-1860, Southern cotton and other products made up 60 per cent or more of the value of exports from the United States. The foreign commerce of the U.S. was Southern. New York enjoyed the shipping, financing, and insuring of Southern agricultural products and enjoyed good relations with the South. There was some industry in the South but not a lot—not because Southerners were too stupid and lazy to imitate New Englanders but because they didn’t need to. They could enjoy more prosperity and a better way of life without it. Some Northerners liked to claim then and now that the South was impoverished and dominated by a small elite of the wealthiest planters, which they called “the Slave Power.” This is not true. The South had universal white male voting and widespread property ownership and prosperity. The large planters had less power than the bankers and industrialists did in the North and they were often non-political.

Slavery

Slavery died out gradually in the North, though this did not indicate any benevolence toward the black people. In fact, free blacks in the North had almost no rights and some States, like Lincoln’s IL, refused even to allow them to settle there. There were more black people living in freedom in the South than the North in 1860. The foreign importation of slaves was forbidden after 1808, which Southerners favoured and forwarded. The black population grew greatly by natural increase almost equal to the white, more than anywhere else in the world. The slaves in the Caribbean and South America did not naturally increase and more were constantly imported right up to the Civil War and after. New England ship owners engaged extensively in this trade to Cuba and Brazil though it was illegal for Americans.

It would be good if some Southern defenders would stop saying that only 1 in 10 of Confederate soldiers owned slaves. There were plenty of sons and brothers-in-law of slaveowners in the Confederate army. The correct way to view the Old South is that about 1/4th of families held slaves. Most of them owned only a few families who lived and worked with the owners. There can be no doubt that the end of slavery would have come in due time in a form infinitely better than emancipation as a war measure.

A basic economic conflict between the North and South was evident to everybody from the early 1790s when Alexander Hamilton proposed and pushed through his national debt and national bank. The political program of many Northerners from Hamilton to Lincoln was what was called “the American System.” The American System was fought by the South from Jefferson onward because it clearly profited industry and banking at the expense of agriculture. The tariff meant that high taxes were put on manufactured goods imported from outside the country. This forced Southerners (and others) to buy from New England factories at higher prices and also discouraged foreign buyers of Southern exports. The “national bank” was not really national but was to be a cartel of government-empowered private bankers, i.e., Northern capitalists, who would have control of credit and currency expansion and contraction for the whole country. “Internal improvements” involved spending the tax money from Southerners to build up the infrastructure of the North and buy political support with patronage. These issues went back and forth for years. When the Southerners left Congress in 1861, the Republicans put in “the American System” permanently. By the 1850s the business interests of the North were determined to break the political power of the South as an obstacle to Northern “progress,” i.e., profit. Cleveland, Detroit, and Chicago, which had been insignificant villages not long before, had become burgeoning industrial centers run by capitalists who demanded a helpful government.

The way to do that was to make sure that Southerners had no more new States to settle. Thus the issue of “free soil.” The face of this was to forbid slavery in all territories not yet States. This did not free a single slave and was also designed to keep black people out of the North whether slave or not. But it guaranteed that Southern influence would grow less and less. There were some sincere abolitionists in the North, but they were a small group. Much of the history of this period is a struggle over control of territory, which was really a struggle about political control of the federal government between opposed interests. Abolitionists filled the air with malicious hate of everything Southern with never a constructive suggestion. The Northern interest is restricting slavery had NOTHING to do with the welfare of African Americans.

In the midst of the economic and political conflicts the two sections became more and more aware of cultural differences, not to mention a great gap in Constitutional interpretation as well. When The U.S. was founded nobody doubted that the sovereign people of a State could decide to leave the Union just as they had decided to enter it, but the North increasingly opposed this idea—national centralization was one of the great tendencies of the 19th century, in Europe as well as America. Germany and Italy were unified by force in the same decade that the U.S. Civil War was fought. The Union meant a confederacy of States with a central government of limited powers. Lincoln did not save the Union but made the federal government eternal and all-powerful over the people and the States and the object of mystical worship. And remember, the federal government is nothing more than the instrument of the leaders of the political party that controls it.

The sections grew apart in other ways. The South remained overwhelmingly rural. The South, though divided into many denominations, became more and more conservative and orthodox in its Christianity, while the North moved in the opposite direction, developing Unitarianism, Mormonism, and other radical sects. The South received small and manageable immigration. After 1848 the North received immense numbers of new people from Ireland and Germany who had no sense of American traditions and Constitutional understandings and knew nothing about the South except hostile propaganda. In the North education became more utilitarian— public schools were developed to provide a disciplined work force and to “Americanise” immigrants. In the South education remained more classical and decentralized.

By 1860, with Lincoln’s election, thoughtful Southern realized that they were caught in a “Union” with those, no longer fellow countrymen, who intended for the South economic exploitation and everlasting slander. Southerners were conservative in inclination and except in the Deep South were hesitant about decisive action like secession. But when Lincoln called for troops, treating the solemn acts of the people of States as some bunch of criminals to be put down, the issue became clear.

This merely touches a few high points in a complex and interesting period of American history in order to put Southern culture and thought of the time in context.

The views expressed at AbbevilleInstitute.org are not necessarily those of the Abbeville Institute.


Clyde Wilson

Clyde Wilson is a distinguished Professor Emeritus of History at the University of South Carolina where he was the editor of the multivolume The Papers of John C. Calhoun. He is the M.E. Bradford Distinguished Chair at the Abbeville Institute. He is the author or editor of over thirty books and published over 600 articles, essays and reviews and is co-publisher of www.ShotwellPublishing.com, a source  for unreconstructed Southern books.

A Short History of the South, Part 1, by Dr. Clyde N. Wilson

A Short History of the South
Part 1
by Dr. Clyde N. Wilson

[Publisher's Note, by Gene Kizer, Jr. - You learn so much from anything written by Dr. Clyde Wilson and all of it is imminently quotable. This article was published on the Abbeville Institute Blog October 16, 2025 with a note that it was originally published at Reckonin.com.]

Introduction

THERE IS A VAST and often contradictory literature describing and explaining the South. Various theories have been put forth to describe Southern distinctiveness. We might note that the greater part of this literature is written by outsiders who have found the South to be a problem—either the South was evil or it had by some peculiar twist of fate managed not to be completely “American.” Thus Southern distinctiveness has been explained as due to slavery and white supremacy, poverty, persistence of the frontier, preponderant rural life, a Celtic rather than an Anglo-Saxon culture. Although the North through most of American history has been as white supremacist as the South and before the defeat in war the South was quite prosperous. Which is to say, it is assumed that if people are not like Northerners then there is something wrong with them that needs to be discovered and explained. It is now near universally assumed that “the South” was entirely a product of black slavery. That is not true. Why not consider the South as itself? Why not read what the South had to say for itself rather than hostile latter day interpretations?

The Colonial Period, 1607–1775.

This is quite a long period in which a relatively small number of settlers populated and developed MD, VA, NC, SC, and GA. After the first settlements there was a small continuous arrival of new settlers but no major groups except the Scots-Irish in the early 1700s, French Huguenots, and some German communities. Much of the growth was natural increase of the population. (George Washington was already the fourth generation of his family in Virginia.).

At the time of the Revolution the South was the most dynamic and fastest growing part of the 13 colonies and the region most actively expanding westward. Tobacco was by far the most important export of North America, supplemented by other Southern crops such as rice, indigo, sea-island cotton, and naval stores. There was black slavery in all the 13 colonies (as well as in all other European colonies in the New World) but in what became the U.S. they were most concentrated in the Southern colonies. So the South has always been a biracial society, whereas the North had few black people before the 20th century. At the time of the Revolution slaves were a majority of the population in SC and a third or fourth in the other Southern colonies. But, as should not be forgotten, as much as 10 per cent in NY, CT, and RI where the holding of slaves as house servants and agricultural workers was common and completely respectable. For instance, Sam Adams and John Hancock of MA had bonded servants with them in Philadelphia when they signed the Declaration of Independence. Few Southerners engaged in importation of slaves from outside the colonies. This was the lucrative business of MA and RI.

The plantation became a distinctive and prominent feature of the South, though it must always be remembered that always the majority of Southern white families were independent small farmers. What is a plantation?. Originally it meant a new settlement, and the English spoke of “plantations” in Ireland and of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, the official name of that state. In time it came to describe a particular kind of agricultural establishment—a large establishment where slave labor resided and produced “staple crops.” Meaning crops that were not for home or local consumption but for sale in quantity as exports to the world market—-in the 18th century tobacco and the other crops mentioned; in the 19th century cotton. (Plantations existed also in the Caribbean and South America for sugar, coffee, etc.) In the Old South large plantations were comparatively few. Most plantations were under 50 slaves and many under 20. The small plantation with a few slave families was the most common, where the whites lived, worked, and worshipped with their “people.”

Americans joined together for the Revolution and in a Union under the Articles and then the Constitution and they had a considerable amount of fellow feeling. They also had a strong realisation that in some respects they had different values and interests and lifestyles that might come into conflict. John Adams referred to Massachusetts as “my country” and General Washington and Thomas Jefferson had uncomplimentary things to say about New Englanders.

Here is a broad description of American regions in the colonial and early national period.

New England (NH, MA, CT, RI) definitely was regarded and regarded itself as distinct. The core population were Puritans from eastern England (later they became Congregationalists and then Unitarians). They were strong on religious conformity, the clergy were civic leaders, and their civic life tended to be tightly organised. When Southerners moved west, an extended family went out and staked out new land, New Englanders tended to move as whole communities or townships. Economically, New England was of little value to the outside world, producing little that Europe could not produce for itself. It turned to shipping, i.e., carrying the goods produced by other colonies. In the 19th century manufacturing took off –  there was plenty of water power, capital, surplus labour, and raw material from the South.

The Middle States (NY, NJ, PA, DE) were diverse in population, religion, and economy. To English and Welsh from western and Midlands England were added Germans in PA and Dutch in NY and various other groups. Pennsylvania pioneered in religious tolerance. There were so many different sects they had to tolerate each other—Anglican, Quaker, Baptist, various German sects, etc. The economy was diverse with shipping, fur trade, growing of wheat and other food crops for export, and an early start on iron industry and related manufactures. The North was by no means culturally united until the decade before the Civil War. Remember that Washington Irving’s Hudson Valley Dutch people in “The Legend of Sleepy Hollow” disliked Ichabod Crane who had come over from New England. And the great early American writer, James Fenimore Cooper, extensively satirised the “Yankees” who invaded his NY State.

The South (MD, VA, NC, SC, GA), aside from the black people, had a more diverse population than New England and a less diverse population than the Middle States. The core population of the original lowcountry settlements were people of all social classes predominantly from the Counties south and west of London. There were considerable numbers of Germans, and some French Huguenots and Highland Scots. The Southern population was greatly expanded in the decades before the Revolution by Scots-Irish settling in the relatively empty piedmont regions of VA and the Carolinas, but it is an error to claim that the origins of the South are mostly “Celtic.” Scots-Irish were Protestants from the Scottish Lowlands who had pioneered in Ireland and then suffered economic discrimination from the English, and came to America in large numbers—such as the extended families of Andrew Jackson and John C. Calhoun. The Southern colonies were officially Anglican before the Revolution but Presbyterians, Baptists, Lutherans, and a little later Methodists were abundant and influential. Maryland was a haven for Catholics, and when in the early 1800s French Louisiana became American, the South had the largest Catholic population in the U.S. until the massive Irish immigration began in the 1840s. The South was also dynamic in its westward push. Charleston traders were sending pack trains regularly by the early 1700s to Mobile, Natchez on the Mississippi River. and the civilised Indian tribes beyond the Appalachians. Boone and others had already explored KY and TN by the time of the Revolution.

There has always been a lot of comment about aristocracy in the South, in relation to the plantation, both by those who think that such is valuable and attractive and those who think it is awful and unAmerican. We could understand Southern and American history better if we forgot about aristocracy and used the term GENTRY. By the time of American settlement England did not have much hereditary aristocracy (people of noble blood) because the aristocrats had killed each other off pretty well in the Wars of the Roses. The predominant social class in England was the gentry—meaning people who owned and made a good living from substantial land-holdings, whose bloodlines were not noble (i.e., related to royalty) but were long established and substantial, who had tenants and retainers, and who exercised local leadership—in morals, customs, justice, militia, etc. They often had coats of arms and they were recognised as leaders but they were not dictators to the independent small farmers, merchants, skilled artisans, and professionals who were much of the population. They had lots of younger sons ready to make their fortunes in America. We can think of the Southern planter class, who were infinitely important in the founding and development of the United States, best as gentry.

Much of American history writing explains separate Southern identity as simply a matter of the defense of slavery and racism. This assumes that the North and South were alike until Southerners about 1820 stopped criticising slavery and began defending it. It also assumes, falsely, that the North was never guilty of slavery and racism. But that is propaganda and nonsense. Cultural separateness was evident and recognized from earliest colonial times and long before the North abandoned slavery. All one has to do is to read the diaries of two Americans from the late 1600s-early 1700s. Cotton Mather, leading clergymen, scholar, and influential public man of Massachusetts, and William Byrd II, large landowner and prominent man of Virginia. Both were born in America of English descent. Mather’s diary is about how God is perpetually favouring him or thwarting him (but at any rate is always concerned with him), about the reception of his books and sermons, about the evil doings of other people. It is a depressing read—the record of an arrogant, self-centered, and self-righteous man with no apparent affection for or real interest in others. The hallmark of the Massachusetts elite to this day. Byrd’s diary records his devotions and studies, but it also records a lively social life, a strong interest in nature and other folks, a sense of humour about himself and the world, and even admissions of his own sins and shortcomings. It is a delightful and informative read.

​New Englanders made a deliberate and concerted effort in the 19th century to create the belief that they deserved most of the honour of the American War of Independence, which was far from the truth. The South resisted Great Britain out of principle, the North for economic reasons. The War of Independence was stalemated in the North with the major cities occupied. The war was won in the South, by Southerners.

The views expressed at AbbevilleInstitute.org are not necessarily those of the Abbeville Institute.


Clyde Wilson

Clyde Wilson is a distinguished Professor Emeritus of History at the University of South Carolina where he was the editor of the multivolume The Papers of John C. Calhoun. He is the M.E. Bradford Distinguished Chair at the Abbeville Institute. He is the author or editor of over thirty books and published over 600 articles, essays and reviews and is co-publisher of www.shotwellpublishing.com, a source  for unreconstructed Southern books.

Battle of Secessionville VIDEO of Address by Gene Kizer, Jr. at 2024 SCV National Reunion, Charleston, SC

The Battle of Secessionville

Grab a cup of coffee or a glass of wine and kick back and enjoy this fine talk on one of the most savage and important battles of the War Between the States

Please click this picture to view the 42 minute video.

Publisher's Note, by Gene Kizer, Jr. - It has been an honor to deliver the address at the Battle of Secessionville Commemoration on the battle site at Fort Lamar these past seven years.

This talk on the battle was given July 16, 2024 at the 129th Annual Reunion of the Sons of Confederate Veterans hosted by my camp, Secession Camp No. 4, at the North Charleston Convention Center.

Please click the picture above and go straight to YouTube.

Deo Vindice!